Assessing Opportunities for Collaboration between the Western Balkans and European Defence Mechanisms, Including the EDA, with Emphasis on Kosovo

27/04/2026

Vlerësimi i mundësive për bashkëpunim ndërmjet Ballkanit Perëndimor dhe Mekanizmave Evropianë të Mbrojtjes, përfshirë EDA-n, me theksin tek Kosova
PUBLISHED BY

Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)

Supported by

Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS) in Kosovo

AUTHORS

Tringa Naka, Mentor Vrajolli

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The European Union’s defence policy landscape has undergone a dramatic transformation since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, acting as what the European Council termed a ‘tectonic shift in European history’1 that fundamentally reshaped the continent’s approach to security and defence. This geopolitical shift accelerated transformations initiated by the 2016 EU Global Strategy, which advocated ‘strategic autonomy’. 2 In the current context, however, the approach has become notably more resolute due to genuine concerns for European security. Thus, just weeks after Russia began its full-scale invasion, the EU adopted the Strategic Compass for Security and Defence, an ambitious plan of action aimed at enhancing the EU’s security and defence policy.3 This successfully guided the bloc’s initial security integration and joint procurement before proceeding with the White Paper for European Defence and the ReArm Europe Plan (Readiness 2030) in March 2025.

The recent ReArm Europe Plan is the most ambitious action to date resulting to unprecedented commitment to defence readiness, mobilizing over €800 billion to strengthen Europe’s defence infrastructure and industrial base.4 For the Western Balkans, this strategic shift presents both opportunities and challenges, as the six countries of the region—Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia—stand at different stages of integration into EU defence mechanisms, particularly cooperation with the European Defence Agency (EDA).

This paper analyses the rapid transformation of the EU’s defence sector and explores the increasing opportunities for substantial cooperation between Western Balkans countries, with a particular emphasis on Kosovo. It seeks to answer several key research questions: How has the EU defence policy and cooperative mechanisms changed since 2016, and in what ways has this process accelerated since 2022? What are the aims and tools outlined in the White Paper for European Defence and the ReArm Europe initiative? How does the EU facilitate cooperation with non-EU countries, such as those in the Western Balkans and particularly Kosovo, through the European Defence Agency and other mechanisms? What precedents exist for Western Balkan engagement with EU defence structures? Most importantly, what realistic and legally or politically viable pathways are available for Kosovo, given its status as neither an EU member nor candidate and the limitations resulting from non-recognition?

This analysis reviews EU policy documents, Council conclusions, EDA frameworks, strategic papers, academic literature, and an expert interviews with officials from Kosovo’s Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defence (February 2026) respectively. The paper is structured in 4 main sections. First session analysis the overall context of EU defence sector transformation with special focus from 2016 to present. Session provides a brief mapping of key EU defence instruments and initiatives and whether WB countries have access to them or not. Forth session analyses the position of each Western Balkans with regards to EU defence cooperation. The fourth session focusses on Kosovo, analysing its specific context of development of the defence sector and the current state in this sector, current position and identifying concrete policy options for enhanced cooperation with the EDA and broader EU defence mechanisms.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. This publication of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung is solely intended for information purposes. It may not be used by political parties or by election campaigners or supporters for the purpose of election advertising.